Can Ras Baraka Ride the Illegal Alien Issue into the Governor's Mansion?
- lhpgop
- May 11
- 3 min read
By all accounts, Newark Mayor Ras J. Baraka is preparing for a statewide run. With deep roots in New Jersey’s largest city and a political style rooted in rhetoric-heavy activism, Baraka has begun angling for the governor’s mansion. His recent arrest at a federal ICE detention facility wasn’t just a spur-of-the-moment protest—it was a calculated move. The message wasn’t for the undocumented detainees—it was for New Jersey’s growing Hispanic electorate. But the gambit raises an essential question: Can Baraka ride the illegal alien issue into Drumthwacket, or will his past failures and political opportunism catch up with him?
(Ed. Note: Drumthwacket is the Governor's residence in New Jersey)
From Revolutionary Pedigree to Political Power
Ras Baraka is the son of the late Amiri Baraka, a radical poet and Black nationalist icon. Ras was raised in the ideological cradle of Newark’s activist class, steeped in race politics and community organizing. Before entering electoral politics, he was an educator and the principal of Newark’s Central High School. There, he implemented extended school days and pushed for social-emotional learning—but despite cosmetic reforms, literacy levels remained low and only 5% of students were deemed college-ready in reading based on ACT scores.
Baraka’s political career began with his election to Newark’s Municipal Council in 2005. By 2014, he defeated the more centrist Shavar Jeffries in a contentious mayoral race by capitalizing on anti-corporate sentiment and promising to return Newark’s schools to local control. That promise was partially fulfilled, but school quality remains dismal, and Newark's school district still underperforms in statewide rankings.
Projects Promoted, But Not Delivered
Baraka’s record is heavy on launch-day headlines and light on long-term results. Among his most high-profile initiatives:
Newark Ceasefire Peace Initiative (2004): Framed as a community-based response to gang violence, it generated early buzz but failed to stem Newark’s rising homicide rates. No measurable long-term success was ever documented.
National Hip-Hop Political Convention (2004): Intended to galvanize young, urban voters around a progressive platform, it attracted thousands—but produced no lasting political infrastructure or policy wins. It faded as quickly as it rose.
“Model Neighborhoods” Crime Strategy: Pitched as a hybrid of community policing and social investment, this program was neither a budgetary defund of police nor a real structural reform. It simply rebranded enforcement-heavy policing with softer language to appease activists while avoiding a public safety backlash. Crime persisted, and the initiative’s dual messaging—“defund but don’t really”—eroded credibility among both progressives and law enforcement alike.
Baraka has a long history of playing both sides of the coin—performing progressive talking points to maintain activist credibility while relying on traditional enforcement mechanisms to keep order. This dance has led to mounting distrustfrom both grassroots organizers and civil service unions.
The Detention Center Stunt: Opportunism or Conviction?
In May 2025, Baraka was arrested at Newark’s Delaney Hall ICE facility during a protest alleging permit violations and abuse. It’s the kind of made-for-media stunt that feeds Baraka’s image as a radical reformer—complete with handcuffs and cameras. But the context is too convenient to ignore: this occurred as he ramps up quiet conversations about a run for governor.
The spectacle wasn’t interpreted as brave by many; it was interpreted as another staged performance to climb the political ladder.
Racial Breakdown and Coalition Fault Lines
Baraka’s gubernatorial strategy hinges on constructing a racial and ideological coalition—but fault lines are everywhere:
Newark is 47% Black, 36% Hispanic, and only 11% White. Baraka’s current base relies on this dynamic, but the statewide math is different.
New Jersey overall is 12% Black, 22% Hispanic, and 54% White (non-Hispanic). To win, he must reach beyond Newark and pull together diverse—and often conflicting—voter blocs.
In Hispanic communities, especially those who arrived legally or whose families have lived in NJ for generations, support for illegal immigration is not guaranteed.
In Black communities, many see Baraka's constant virtue-signaling as a betrayal of bread-and-butter issues like housing, crime, education, and jobs.
Conclusion: Smoke, Not Substance
Baraka has mastered political spectacle. He speaks fluently in the language of social justice and progressive activism. But his governing record is one of unfulfilled promises, repackaged failures, and a reliance on imagery over measurable improvement.
Betting on illegal immigration as a political issue may elevate his profile among elite progressives and certain activist groups, but it’s a dangerous electoral gamble. If Black voters view him as opportunistic and Hispanics remain divided on immigration enforcement, the fragile coalition he’s courting may never materialize. In the end, voters may look past his headlines and ask what Ras Baraka actually accomplished. The answer could determine whether he climbs higher—or comes crashing down.
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